FARIHA PERVAIZ_GHAM E DIL KO

RTE Act and the challenges ahead. by LIFFY THOMAS MEERA & SRINIVASAN

Building Bridges: Addressing certain key issues will make the implementation of the RTE Act easier and more effective, say experts. A scene at Thiruvalluvar Nagar in Thiruvanmiyur in Chennai.

As the State government gets ready to implement the landmark Right to Education (RTE) Act, which came into force in April 2010, private schools, parents, educationists and non-governmental organisations have a number of concerns over key clauses of the legislation.

All of them have welcomed the Act, but there are challenges in the road to realising free and compulsory education to every child aged six to 14 years.

Last week, the School Education Department released the draft rules evolved by the State, which was designed by an advisory committee constituted by the government.

"The government has already passed a few orders related to the Act," says D. Jagannathan, former Director of School Education, who heads the advisory committee.

For instance, a Government Order dated July 12, 2010, states: "No child shall be held back in any class or expelled from school till the completion of elementary education in a school."

The State government, which had until then been following a 'no detention policy' till Class V in its schools made it applicable till Class VIII, following the RTE Act.

Other GOs include one that designates the Directorate of Teacher Education Research and Training (DTERT) as the academic authority for academic matters pertaining to the RTE Act. Another looks at teacher recruitment to meet the Teacher Pupil Ratio specifications of 1: 30 in the primary level and 1: 35 in the upper primary level.

However, there are concerns. Non-governmental organisations and educationists, who convened a meeting here last week, have criticised the State government's draft rules for adopting a "bureaucratic approach."

They say local authorities have been replaced by Local Education Authority in the State's draft rules, implying that the panchayat, municipality or Corporation has no role.

Grievance redress

The provision for a grievance redress mechanism in the model rules of the State has been deleted. Also, with the no detention scheme, maintenance of standards would be a challenge.

"Whether it is prohibiting tuitions or schools taking capitation fee, the Act and the State's draft rules are weak on penalties. We have pledged to file complaints for non implementation of the Act," says O. Fernandes of Human Rights Advocacy and Research Foundation.

On reserving 25 per cent of seats in private schools for children belonging to disadvantaged groups, parents like Anu Alagappan feels schools will have to play a crucial role to ensure that no disparity is created in the classroom.

"Will the government ensure that needs of such children are met, whether its expenses for a picnic or other extra-curricular activities?" asks the mother of a student at Sacred Heart Matriculation Higher Secondary School, Church Park.

Many other parents say abolishing tuitions is not really possible in our education system.

According to K. Shanmugavelayutham, convener, Tamilnadu Forum for Creche and Childcare Services (TN-FORCES), draft rules in various States taken into account the quality of education, appointment of school counsellors and the percentage of seats to be allocated to children coming in the disadvantaged group.

In Puducherry, for instance, the cluster resource person shall assist the head of the school to monitor quality and in case of a lapse it should be brought to the notice of the inspecting officer and block resource coordinator.

To facilitate children with disabilities in getting access to education, Andhra Pradesh draft rules state that home based education would be provided to children who cannot be transported to neighbourhood schools. Kerala draft rules talks of a Unique Identification Number and biometric identification for every child by the school.

The State government will soon constitute a State Advisory Council chaired by School Education Minister Thangam Thennarasu. It will have on board secretaries to select departments of the government and senior officials.

Its primary role will be to facilitate the effective implementation of the Act. The SSA wing will also act as a vehicle that would implement the RTE Act.

"We already have a good network in place. We are now aligning our work closer to the requirements of the RTE Act," said a senior SSA official.

What they say

D. Jagannathan, chairman of the State government's advisory committee on RTE Act: "The implementation of the Act has already begun at different stages. It is a robust exercise, which cannot be taken up by a single committee or agency. It warrants the collective effort of the Directorate of Elementary Education, the SSA wing, the other directorates within the School Education Department, schools and local authorities. We are all working in that direction."

K. Shanmugavelayutham, Convenor, TN-FORCES: "Tamil Nadu should take a cue from the draft rules of other state governments. Incorporating clauses such as quality, child tracking system and UID will ensure the Act is better enforced in every school. The current draft rules are more bureaucratic. The advisory council should have representations of the civil."

Chitra Prasad, Correspondent and Principal, NSN Matriculation School: "On one hand, private schools have been asked to reduce the fee, and on the other hand, the RTE Act mandates free education for 25 per cent of the student strength. We already cater to a heterogeneous group of students and are struggling to run the school. The principles behind the Act are laudable, but practical difficulties have to be taken into account while framing the rules. Ultimately, education has to reach the masses, not just the classes."

ulr. http://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Chennai/article934073.ece

A Partnership for Stability? Why a Turkey-Iran axis could mean good news

Iran's President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad flashes the V-sign for victory as Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan looks on after the Islamic republic inked a nuclear fuel swap deal in Tehran in May. The agreement was signed by the foreign ministers of Iran, Brazil and Turkey.

Turkey and Iran have over the years forged a partnership defying expectations of how two seemingly competing and bordering regional powers might interact. And in the past few months, they have pledged to deepen their ties to the bewilderment of some and to the alarm of others. Despite qualms though, their quid pro quo ties could have                a positive regional effect, starting with increased stability.

Turkey’s prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, in September urged investors to triple bilateral trade by 2015 with Iran to $30 billion annually through bilateral business ventures, precisely when US-led Western governments are trying to strangle Iran with sanctions. Turkey will also remove Iran from its “enemy list” by the end of the year, and it is currently fighting Washington’s intention to single out Iran as a target of a NATO missile defense system that Turkey will likely host in its territory. For its part, Tehran has vowed to streamline Turkish investment in Iran and it has given Ankara a de-facto intermediary role with Western countries in shuttle diplomacy over its nuclear program.

The rapprochement between the two is the result of calculated self-interest, much like Germany and France after World War II. Turkey needs Iran to fulfill its strategic goal of reclaiming the regional powerhouse stature of yore, and Iran needs Turkey to survive diplomatically and economically. What remains to be seen is whether the tradeoff is successful.

Throughout most of last century, the two former empires were introspective, struggling to find their place in the world. Ankara considered its neighbor a threat after the Islamic Revolution, a position that began to change with Turkey’s voracious natural gas thirst. In 2000, bilateral trade was $1 billion; five years later it reached $4 billion; and last year it reached $10 billion, almost entirely energy-based.

The political turnaround from suspicious to symbiotic was the result of profound geopolitical shifts—more so than trade—that triggered strategic repositioning both in Ankara and Tehran. Most notably, the US invasion of Iraq, Iran’s standoff with the Western powers over its defiant uranium enrichment program, and Europe’s snub of Turkey’s EU membership aspirations.

For Turkey, the European rebuff coincided with its economic and military resurgence and ambitions. However, Russia was also blocking its eastern geopolitical aspirations toward the Caucasus. Thus, Turkey’s only option was to turn south, to the Middle East, while gathering the maturity to compete in Russia’s sphere by becoming the main alternative energy hub transferring oil and gas into Europe. Turkey is also the only country with the credentials, and military and economic muscle to fill the vacuum that US troops will one day leave.

But the Middle Eastern front required stable neighbors and good relations, starting with Iraq, where much of the oil and gas to make Turkey an energy hub would come from. Iraq is also the recent nucleus of regional instability that includes Kurdish independence aspirations.

Iran is the kingmaker in Iraq, which serves as its security buffer. That is why Tehran has been preoccupied there for the last decade. Tehran has the power to destabilize its neighbor and by extension, to give a lifeline to Kurdish PKK rebels, thus derailing Turkish goals. If Iran delivers stability in Iraq, then Turkey can deliver influence on the diplomatic and economic fronts.

Elsewhere, Iran is on survival mode, despite all the fear mongering going on in the region. It’s not competing with Turkey or any other to country simply because it can’t. It is of course a regional power by its own right, just not one that is able to expand. It is in no economic position to do so. It’s politically unstable internally and preoccupied with internal dissent. Iran can’t exert any offensive pressure and has built its entire strategy on defense; it relies on asymmetrical warfare through its proxies Hamas and Hezbollah for that. Its nuclear program is meant as a deterrent. And even if it had the will and muscle to expand outside Iraq, it would face hostility in Sunni majority countries, starting with Turkey.

Iranian and Turkish interests also collude in the Caucasus, although to a lesser degree, and only when faced with Russian encroachment. After the war with Georgia, Turkey saw its eastern plans dashed. Even if just temporary, Ankara and Tehran share objectives in the Caucasus, which is Turkey’s next target.

Of course, the opposite is also true. Iran has the power to destabilize Afghanistan, Pakistan, Azerbaijan and the broader region, and could even turn to Russia, so it’s in Turkey’s interest to keep Tehran close. On the economic front, the Caucasus is also rich in oil and gas, but Turkey won’t be able to work as Europe’s connection to these resources without Iran’s help. Here lies another powerful incentive.

Perhaps the most imminent issue of contention is the Palestinian quagmire. It is in Turkey’s interest to reach a broad peaceful settlement as soon as possible, and it is in Iran’s interest to do the opposite.

With a foothold in Iraq, Turkey turned to mend ties with Syria and later failed to broker peace between Israel and Damascus. But the flotilla incident inadvertently cemented Ankara’s role as a regional power player, especially among Muslims who mistrusted Egypt’s half-hearted leadership, but were weary of Iranian intentions. Turkey’s uproar was about the killing of its nationals, more than defending Gaza, but Erdogan came out champion of the Palestinian cause.

Iran has traditionally claimed moral high ground on the Palestinian cause and Turkey has recently threatened Iran’s position, which explains why President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad traveled to the Israeli border with Lebanon during his recent visit. Still, this is secondary to both countries’ objectives. 

The priority for Turkey and Iran is a peaceful resolution to the latter’s nuclear standoff. Indeed, the biggest risk to Ankara’s hegemonic aspirations is a military flare-up that would wreak havoc in the Middle East. That is why Turkey voted against the last sanctions in the UN Security Council and why it unsuccessfully tried brokering, along with Brazil, its own solution, to the ire of its NATO allies.

Regarding the missile shield, it appears that Turkey will impose its will on its NATO allies. President Abdullah Gül said a week ahead of the recently held summit in Lisbon that "mentioning one country, Iran...is wrong and will not happen. A particular country will not be targeted...We will definitely not accept that."

Turkey has joined Tehran in betting its future on resolving this issue. Ankara is trying to avert war by simultaneously talking to Tehran and bargaining for time with its NATO allies. Tehran wants Turkey to use its position to negotiate on its behalf for security guarantees. But for the region as a whole, it could translate into stability.

Andrés Cala – Madrid-based freelance journalist. Mr. Cala contributes regularly to several publications, including TIME magazine, The New York Times and The Christian Science Monitor.

Life begins at 40

The India of the 1950s was a very different world. Yet, dreams could be realised, and lives rebuilt. Even at 40…
By SILLOO MEHTA


Mine certainly did. Our son wanted to study at a good American University. In the early 1950s, if you had a dream, it remained unfulfilled unless you could afford it. Taking a loan was unthinkable. That was only for life and death matters. The first college he wrote to replied, “3,000 foreign students apply to us annually and almost all want scholarships. Sorry.” Others replied similarly. We advised our son to keep studying meanwhile and graduate well from school.

For the first time in my life I thought of taking up a job. At 40? No degrees, no business experience. Not very promising. Besides, I would hate to be cooped up in an office from nine to five. What would I like to do? I liked meeting people. That suggested travel, tourism, hotels. Although we had lived in Calcutta for years, I had never really seen the city. For the next four Sundays, my husband drove me to all the places in the Guide Book. Calcutta is an industrial city. It doesn't offer much by way of tourism. Often, businessmen who have a few hours to kill between planes, take a quick tour. The tourist season is from November to March. The rest of the year we look up at the skies for manna from heaven.

Beginning of an idea

My inspection tours showed there was good scope for an entrepreneur in city tourism. Wherever we went, touts attached themselves to us and in broken English tried to parrot what they had picked up. They were a nuisance. The TV ads say, ‘An Idea can change your life'. Mine did. Why not become a tourist guide? I was sure I could do a much better job. Then the ‘buts' set in. What will people say? Why is Silloo roaming around in taxis with strange men? Are the Mehta's so hard up? In our society, I would definitely lose caste. Could I take it? A bridge in Edinburgh has a plaque, ‘they say, what say they, let them say.' I'll follow that advice. Easier said than done.

We discussed the economics. It wouldn't require much capital. The only investment was myself. The more knowledge I acquired about the country, the better I would be at my job. I definitely liked the idea because it gave me freedom to be myself. The major travel agents in town were Thomas Cook and American Express. One morning, dressed elegantly, I went to Thomas Cook's office. Assuming me to be a customer, I was shown to the Manager's desk. I told him what I had discovered and suggested he engage me as a guide for his tourists. Mr. Roper was astonished but receptive. He said, “Mrs. Mehta, you are the answer to our prayers. Many a time we have to pull out the office staff because we have no one to accompany our VIP tourists”. Thus began Mrs. Mehta's Guide Service.

Next day I called some of my friends to coffee. I selected four ladies. Two were married with children at school, and two were single, middle aged. All were educated, intelligent and comfortable in any society. They were bored with their lives and as I expected, ready to try something new. I warned that this was a job. They would earn peanuts but learn a great deal. I prepared a slim guide book about India. My guides should know something about India's history, geography, governance, economy, population, religions, etc. I am neither a historian nor a scholar, but I was enormously interested in the evolution that was taking place in our country during the last century. I wanted my guides to answer intelligently the questions their tourists would ask.

In the early 1950s, the kind of tourist world I entered seemed tailor-made for me. The tourists were mostly rich American couples going round the world after a life time of work. They expected VIP treatment everywhere and their travel agents provided it. I planned an itinerary of two half day tours and one full day. Most chose half day in the heat. (At the end of the War there were few American cars, only Ambassadors with no ACs.) The tour lasted three and a half hours. My guides were not professionals. They spared two or three days of the week for me for my tours because they enjoyed the work. The rest of the time was their own.

I would introduce myself and the tour would begin. For me it was like taking friends out. Some people were more knowledgeable, more interested in the country and its people. My favourite place in the tour was Calcutta's Jain Temple. There are many Jain temples in the city but this one was unique. Set in a little garden with a pond in the centre, this temple was like a little jewel box. Completely set with pieces of coloured glass it was an enchanting mosaic of reflecting light. In the place of honour was a Jain Tirthankara made of marble. Jainism has 24 Tirthankaras, Mahavira being the last. They were great souls who attained perfection of spiritual knowledge and were a role model for those seeking spiritual guidance. Jainism believes in absolute non-violence.

Next we drove to the Victoria Memorial, the only museum of British rule in India. This marble monument was Lord Curzon's enduring homage to his Queen. It contains wonderful miniatures of Mughal art and calligraphy and an interesting history of the Raj in India.

Personal rapport

We spend a large part of the time driving around and talking. By the end of the tour we have usually established good rapport. Mass tourism of the present day has destroyed this kind of rapport. When I read some of the letters tourists have written to me, I feel a glow in my heart even now. I don't remember their faces but they must have been nice people to take time from their busy lives to say ‘thank you' to a guide so far away. Here are some of the nicest letters. “You are the best guide I've ever had in all my lengthy travels. You contributed more to my understanding of India than several dozens of other people. I am truly grateful. Kenneth Strobel, Alaska”. “You showed us Calcutta and spent your time with us and since then your country has all our sympathy. We shall not forget you. Mathias Seitz, Germany”. “You will not remember us but you were our guide in Calcutta on April 28, 1957. We not only enjoyed our trip but enjoyed you and remember you as one of the loveliest personalities it has been our privilege to meet. Mrs. K. C. Kaiser, USA”. “Thank you for making our visit to Calcutta so enjoyable. The very delicious tea in your home and the stimulating conversation is one of the highlights of our trip. Margaret and Jerry Kendall, San Jose, California.” What more can one want, I chose the right career. Sometimes it could be boring and tiring but that happens in any job. One just carries on.

Slowly, as the business grew, Thomas Cook and Amex Co. began entrusting their cruise ship tourists to me. Once every year, the cruise ships come to Bombasy in March and from there, groups of tourists would fan out to visit different parts of India. Calcutta was the base for the east. Travel agents spared no effort or expense to cater to these VIP tourists. Sixty years ago only the very rich could afford these luxurious round the world cruises. Lavish cocktail parties were held in five star hotels. Now we really came into our own. Suddenly, everyone wanted to be one of Mrs. Mehta's guides. Those who had taken a dim view of my career choice began calling me up. (Meow, Meow). But, there was a snag. The Agents didn't want to invite our husbands. I said, then you can count us out. Reluctantly they agreed. Incredibly, it was the husbands who made a hit. The tourists had seen plenty of pretty women but they were eager to talk business with the men. Business opportunities in India, foreign investments, eager to supply anything that this huge country might need. Unfortunately, we had very little foreign exchange. As I told Mr. Phillip Pillsbury, “we drool over your cake mix ads. Why don't you send them to us?” He said, “I have been trying for years. I understand your foreign exchange difficulties, but mark my words, Mrs. Mehta, one day every store in India will carry the Pillsbury Brand.” Today it has come true.

The Government of India, aware of India's tourist potential, was busy establishing tourist offices all over the country. Preparing advertisements, recruiting staff, training guides, etc. It was bound to affect my business. Reluctantly, my supporters Thomas Cook and Amex Co. started using government guides. They said, “we need the tourist office for their help in many ways and we cannot ignore them, even though we know how much better your service is.” I understood. I also knew that this David and Goliath battle could end only in one way. One morning, I received a letter from the Director of the Government Tourist Office, Calcutta which sent my BP plummeting. He ordered me to employ only authorised government guides. I showed it to my husband. He said, “I'll take you to Fowler tomorrow”. Fowler and Co. were one of the oldest British law firms of Calcutta. As we entered, Mr. Fowler joked, “Your husband said, it was a personal matter. I hope he hasn't been a naughty boy”. “I wish he had been”, I answered, and gave him the letter. Mr. Fowler was a small, old man with wispy hair and twinkly eyes. “Hmm, what does he mean by authorised government guides only? Doesn't he know this is a democracy where you can start any business and employ whoever you wish?” Mr. Fowler dictated a three line letter in superb English which demolished their case completely. A pyrrhic victory, I thought sadly. My days in tourism were numbered. I was wrong. Fate had other plans for me.

Changing destinies

In the meantime my son's stars were bright, he got a scholarship to Cornell through an influential alumnus. Of course, his grades had to be first class. At Cornell he met and fell in love with Louise. After he got his drama degree, he returned to Calcutta and landed a good job. He joined amateur theatre groups and produced plays in his spare time. His fiancée Louise came out and soon there was a happy wedding. They found a comfortable annexe, made a host of friends, and Louise taught in the American International School. By this time our daughter Shernaz was in her final year of school. One morning, I fell ill. A group tour had been booked for that day. All the guides were busy but someone had to replace me. I asked Shernaz. She quickly changed into a sari and left on the tour. She must have done a good job because one of her tourists, who was a geology professor, told her that if she graduated well from school and did her SAT (Scholastic Aptitude Test) equally well, she should write to him. So fate shaped her destiny also.

The writer (age 93) is a freelance contributor to national newspapers and magazines. She can be contacted at: silloo.mehta@yahoo.co.in

source . The hindu

WikiLeaks: “Crass political opportunism” of Cong. leaders. NARAYAN LAKSHMAN

Unites States embassy officials in New Delhi described as “crass political opportunism” the statements made by senior Congress party leaders such as Digvijay Singh and A.R. Antulay, in the immediate aftermath of the Mumbai terror attacks of November 2008.

The comments were revealed this week by WikiLeaks, the whistleblower website, which is publishing thousands of private diplomatic cables that it obtained from the U.S. State Department.

The cable in question, which contained a candid and sharply critical review of Congress party politics following the Mumbai attacks, was authored by the U.S. embassy on December 23, 2008 and sent to the Secretary of State in Washington.

In the cable, U.S. officials said that the willingness of Congress leaders to support “outrageous” comments by erstwhile Minority Affairs Minister Mr. Antulay, propounding a conspiracy theory behind the killing of Maharashtra Anti-Terror Squad Chief Hemant Karkare, reflected a cynical political calculation by the party that proved once again that many party leaders were “still wedded to the old identity politics.”

The context of the U.S. diplomats’ criticism was that Mr. Antulay sparked controversy on December 17 with comments insinuating that the killing of Mr. Karkare by the Mumbai terrorists was somehow linked to Mr. Karkare’s investigation of “Hindu terrorists” in the September 2008 Malegaon blasts case.

In that case authorities had arrested eleven Hindus, including an Indian Army Lieutenant Colonel, of whom police had identified five as having ties to the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party and two others as having ties to Sangh Parivar organisations.

Following Mr. Karkare’s killing, which U.S. officials termed a “remarkable coincidence,” the cable noted that Mr. Antulay had fanned the flames of controversy when he said, “Superficially speaking they had no reason to kill Karkare. Whether he was a victim of terrorism or terrorism plus something, I do not know.”

The cable further quoted Mr. Antulay as saying, “Unfortunately his end came. It may be a separate inquiry how his end came... There is more than what meets the eyes.”

While U.S. officials praised some segments of Congress leadership, including Home Minister P. Chidambaram, for officially dismissing Mr. Antulay’s comments and distancing the party from them, they attacked Mr. Digvijay Singh’s comments on December 21, when he said, “I don’t think Antulay made a mistake. What he asked for is a probe. What is objectionable in his statement?”

The U.S. embassy noted that the BJP had reacted to Mr. Singh’s statements by shouting slogans, and staging a walkout in Parliament three days in a row, and demanding a formal clarification from the government.

Further U.S. officials noted that emboldened by the equivocation, Mr. Antulay had refused to apologise or retract his statements and instead went on to argue that they reflected the views of a large segment of the Muslim population.

Overall, the U.S. diplomats said, while cooler heads eventually prevailed within the Congress leadership, it chose to pander to Muslims’ fears and the episode demonstrated that the party would readily stoop to the old caste (and) religious-based politics if it feels it is in its interest.